Monthly Archives: April 2009

Lessons from the Identity Trail Published Today

ID-trail-med.pngLessons from the Identity Trail (Ian Kerr, Valerie Steeves & Carole Lucock, eds.), a whale of a book, is being published today.

During the past decade, rapid developments in information and communications technology have transformed key social, commercial, and political realities. Within that same time period, working at something less than Internet speed, much of the academic and policy debate arising from these new and emerging technologies has been fragmented. There have been few examples of interdisciplinary dialogue about the importance and impact of anonymity and privacy in a networked society. Lessons from the Identity Trail: Anonymity, Privacy and Identity in a Networked Society fills that gap, and examines key questions about anonymity, privacy, and identity in an environment that increasingly automates the collection of personal information and relies upon surveillance to promote private and public sector goals.

This book has been informed by the results of a multi-million dollar research project that has brought together a distinguished array of philosophers, ethicists, feminists, cognitive scientists, lawyers, cryptographers, engineers, policy analysts, government policy makers, and privacy experts. Working collaboratively over a four-year period and participating in an iterative process designed to maximize the potential for interdisciplinary discussion and feedback through a series of workshops and peer review, the authors have integrated crucial public policy themes with the most recent research outcomes.

The book is available for download under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 Canada License by chapter. Hard copies are available for purchase at Amazon & at Oxford University Press.

I've got two chapters in it, Identity Cards and Identity Romanticism and Anonymity and the Law in the United States. And I'm very pleased to be in such wonderful company — it was a valuable conference full of interesting people and the materials collected here are going to be of interest to people in many of the cross-cutting fields around the world. And the chapters are (painfully) short.

The full Table of Contents, with links to the online versions of the chapters is below. Some chapters won't be released for a few weeks, so keep an eye on the main site for updates.

Continue reading

Posted in ID Cards and Identification, Law: Constitutional Law, Law: International Law, Writings | 14 Comments

Of Koh, Johnsen … and Bork

Astonishingly, a group of Republican Senators is threatening to filibuster the nominations of Dean Harold Koh (for Legal Adviser to the Secretary of State) and Dawn Johnsen (for head of OLC). There appear to be two threads to this campaign. The overt thread is simply based on lies and the occasional irrelevancy. The covert campaign, if reports can be believed, is based on something even more disgusting.

The campaign against Koh is based on the scurrilous allegation that he supports the application of Sharia law in the US. The source for this is the New York Post's reporting of what someone seems to have misheard or misremembered from an alumni event a few years ago. It's bunk. But don't take my word for it, or that of his long-time colleagues, turn instead to well-known lefty Theodore Olson and to Tom Smith, of the Right Coast, who blogs Right wing nuts should not be nuts about Koh.

I do not believe that Professor Koh said let's enforce sharia in the US at some alumni gathering. Possibly some Yale Law Alum thought that was what he said. One of the things I like about having gone to a wealthy law school is that open bars are frequently present at alumni gatherings. But seriously, you don't get to be the dean of Yale Law School by saying stupid things, or at least not that sort of stupid thing.

… Speaking just for myself then, I will say that the right wing critics of Koh are doing an excellent job appearing to be nearly totally ignorant of the relevant areas of law and look like know-nothing attack puppies of anything liberal. As is their right, I suppose. Everyone has to make their own way down the right wing nut career path I suppose. But just maybe they should consider talking to some real conservative international law experts (of which I am not one, but there are some out there) before they shoot off their mouths. Just a thought.

More from Tom in a minute. But first, the Dawn Johnsen case. The ostensible case against Dawn is that she has misrepresented a position she took in litigation relating to abortion law. The charge is wholly false, as detailed in an open letter to Senator Specter from Andrew Koppelman which begins,

It has come to my attention that a footnote in my article, Forced Labor: A Thirteenth Amendment Defense of Abortion, 84 Northwestern U. L. Rev. 480 (1990), has been cited for the proposition that the brief that Dawn Johnsen wrote in Webster v. Reproductive Health Services claims that the Thirteenth Amendment guarantees a woman’s right to abortion. The Webster brief to which my article referred, however, was not the brief submitted by Dawn Johnsen but was an entirely different brief.

Another idea bruited about is that Prof. Johnson isn't up to the job somehow — even though she held the job in an acting capacity for some time in the Clinton administration.

So much for the overt cases. Stupid politics of destruction only somewhat worse and stupider than usual.

The alleged covert manoeuvrings, on the other hand, are much worse. Scott Horton reports,

Senate Republicans are now privately threatening to derail the confirmation of key Obama administration nominees for top legal positions by linking the votes to suppressing critical torture memos from the Bush era. A reliable Justice Department source advises me that Senate Republicans are planning to “go nuclear” over the nominations of Dawn Johnsen as chief of the Office of Legal Counsel in the Department of Justice and Yale Law School Dean Harold Koh as State Department legal counsel if the torture documents are made public. The source says these threats are the principal reason for the Obama administration’s abrupt pullback last week from a commitment to release some of the documents. A Republican Senate source confirms the strategy. It now appears that Republicans are seeking an Obama commitment to safeguard the Bush administration’s darkest secrets in exchange for letting these nominations go forward.

After being one of the first people online to dissect the first torture memos to be released, I've mostly stopped posting about the newer torture memos because so many others were doing it so well. But it bears repeating that there is no excuse for these memos to be kept secret (there might be a case for the occasional redaction, it's impossible to say in the abstract). It's not proved, but holding nominations hostage in order to either keep a cover up in place, or to protect the guilty from whatever consequences may be due for alleged war crimes, would be — if true — a sign of a the ultimate moral collapse on the part of the Senate GOP.

Even if the torture angle turns out to be a red herring, there's still some ugly politics going on here — in part to block Koh and Johnsen from any future court appointments, in part as the rollout of a general campaign of obstruction on all court appointees who don't belong to all-male country clubs or contribute to the Republican party.

The excuse commonly trotted out by saner and more moral Republicans for obstructionist behavior of the overt sort described is that it's simply payback for what they believe was done (unfairly) to Judge Bork (and sometimes Justice Thomas gets mentioned too). There's some of this in Tom Smith posting noted above. The claim is that somehow Judge Bork was subjected to a 'politics of destruction' and that changed the terms of the debate.

There are two major problems with this assertion. The first is that while the overt case against Koh and Johnsen is based on lies, the gravamen of the case against Judge Bork was based on his actual views: he didn't believe there is a right to privacy in the Constitution; this wasn't just about abortion, but also about cases like Griswold v. Connecticut (striking down a ban on condom sales, even to married people). That was a legitimate inquiry, and a perfectly sound reason to turn down his nomination. The howls of rage it produced on the right were because, but for their reframing, the Bork case would have stood for the proposition that right-wing extremists are not welcome on the Supreme Court. In the event we ended up with four of them.

The second major problem with the “Koh is payback for Bork” thesis is that the cases are not parallel. There's much more scope for considering a nominee's views who is up for a judgeship than there is for an executive branch job. Judges have life tenure. Supreme Court Justices have independent power. The people in the executive branch work for the President. (Independent agency officials occupy a middle ground.) I'm not saying there is no scope for inquiring into an executive branch nominee's views. On the contrary, sometimes it's a good way to get the nominee to make promises of future action. Second, there are views or histories that do disqualify someone from having an executive post, and not just the obvious ones like racism, sexism, violent temper (think “John Bolton”), criminal past, tax evasion (yes), or the like. I'd also include people who had committed themselves in their speech or writing to views inimical to the agency's mission. None of this, however, remotely applies here, and none of it justifies even the threat of a filibuster. (I'm not against filibusters – I do think we should go back to the old-fashioned kind where people actually have to hold the floor, though.)

[Note: I was a student of Harold Koh's when he started teaching at Yale. Great course. And Dawn Johnsen was, I think, a year ahead of me in law school. I've stayed vaguely in touch with Professor and then Dean Koh since graduation, but haven't seen Dawn in a very long time.]

Posted in Politics: US | 4 Comments

Michael Masinter’s Guide to the Legal Issues in U.Md. Porn Screening Case

People following the extended fuss over Maryland legislative attempts to block the showing of a porn film called 'Pirates II' at the University of Maryland may be interested in this comprehensive summary of the relevant law posted by U. Miami visiting professor Michael Masinter to a law professor's list, and here reprinted with his kind permission:

First, there is the terminology problem; pornography is a term with no legal significance. Obscene speech and obscene films as defined in Miller are unprotected speech; their display can be criminalized or suppressed on the basis of content. Maryland can and does forbid the display of obscene films. Maryland defines obscenity using the language of Miller in Md. Code, Crim. L. § 11-203(a)(5), and forbids its display in Md. Code, Crim. L. § 11-202. From all I've read, the content of the film comes within the statutory definition but for the question of whether the film is patently offensive under current contemporary standards in the community (and perhaps the question of artistic merit associated with its high production budget). But the question of community standards is critical. Much has changed since Miller; explicit displays of actual, as well as simulated mainstream sexual practices seems no longer to be patently offensive to many communities; sexually explicit material is freely available over the internet, from pay per view cable tv, in hotels, bars and elsewhere. The adult film industry operates openly and above board despite obscenity laws because it seemingly has reached a kind of detente with prosecutors. A prosecutor who brings an obscenity case against a producer, exhibitor or vendor of a film displaying mainstream sexual practices will almost certainly encounter a very well funded and sophisticated defense team, with expert witnesses prepared to delve deeply into what are the community standards that prevail in a given community, using evidence compiled from online sales records, from hotel pay per view purchases, and from local cable tv companies that offer pay per view explicit films. Knowing that first rate defense lawyers backed by persuasive experts will show that a significant percentage of local folks consume explicit films, and that juries will likely think that prosecutors must have something better to do than prosecute these cases, most prosecutors don't bring obscenity prosecutions any more for explicit mainstream adult sex.

Second there is the question of how to regulate the showing of obscene films. Maryland already makes their display a misdemeanor; if its legislature thinks it wise, it would seem to be free to separately forbid their display on state funded university campuses. But there must be some mechanism by which to determine whether a particular film is or is not obscene; legislators cannot do that on the floor of the legislature. Pirates II may not be obscene; it may not be patently offensive in College Park even if it would be in Garrett County, and perhaps its high dollar production values even translate into substantial artistic content; those are questions ill suited to legislative determination; they require the opportunity for an adversarial hearing. So as a matter of ordinary procedural due process law, the legislature cannot determine whether a particular film is obscene. That concern is magnified when the legislature interferes in the operation of a university by making content based judgments about what may be shown on campus. So both procedural due process problems and free speech problems arise if the legislature attempts on an ad hoc basis to dictate what can be said or shown on campus.

Third, if the film is not obscene, can the legislature use the power of the purse to forbid its showing on state college grounds? Here the problem is, as Mark already noted, that no state funds were used to show the movie, and the movie was shown in a university created student controlled limited public forum. As the Supreme Court has made clear, leaving aside display to minors, nonobscene sexually explicit speech enjoys full protection under the first amendment. Content based discrimination against nonobscene speech runs headlong into contemporary first amendment law. The state may not have to pay to show nonobscene porn, but it cannot suppress it.

Fourth, and hypothetically since it won't happen, is there any remedy if the legislature were to retaliate against the university by reducing its budget? Here the answer would seem to be no; passing a budget is a legislative act; legislators enjoy absolute immunity for legislative acts, and so no obvious remedy would seem available to compel the restoration of funding. But there's no chance that will happen; the Maryland legislature is not about to destroy its flagship educational institution.

So at the end of the day, legislators can fume, and can propose prospective legislation to ban the showing of obscene films on state campuses, but can't determine whether a particular film is obscene.

The more interesting question is whether a campus administrator can, under a hypothetical university rule or statute forbidding the recreational display of obscene films on campus, ban the proposed showing of an individual film based on a preliminary judgment that it is obscene? If Pirates II featured explicit bestiality, necrophilia, or perhaps other non-mainstream sexual practices it probably would be obscene even under contemporary community standards in College Park. Could a campus administrator ban a film's showing, subject to prompt and plenary judicial review under a properly drawn rule, on the grounds that it is obscene? That question never arose in the Pirates II controversy since pretty clearly the university administrator who acted did so in response to legislative pressure rather than under any rule regarding the display of obscene films on campus or any judgment that the film was obscene.

Thank you, Michael Masinter!

Posted in Law: Free Speech | 1 Comment

Something About International Conferences Brings Out the Worst in Police

There must be something about a boatload of visiting foreign dignitaries that brings out the worst in police. Miami's cops have had to pay out substantial damages for their civil rights violations when we had trade talks here.

And now the British police in London appear to have misbehaved rather badly in their attempt to clear out a peaceful static protest during the G20 summit. See Indymedia London | Videos | Show | film of police attack on G20 climate camp.

Spotted via The Magistrate's Blog, What Should We Make Of This?.

Posted in UK | 6 Comments

This Looks Good

Rachel E. Barkow, Institutional Design And The Policing Of Prosecutors: Lessons From Administrative Law, 61 Stan. L. Rev. 869 (2009).

Federal prosecutors wield enormous power. They have the authority to make charging decisions, enter cooperation agreements, accept pleas, and often dictate sentences or sentencing ranges. There are currently no effective legal checks in place to police the manner in which prosecutors exercise their discretion. As a result, in the current era dominated by pleas instead of trials, federal prosecutors are not merely law enforcers. They are the final adjudicators in the 95% of cases that are not tried before a federal judge or jury. In a government whose hallmark is supposed to be the separation of powers, federal prosecutors are a glaring and dangerous exception. They have the authority to take away liberty, yet they are often the final judges in their own cases. One need not be an expert in separation-of-powers theory to know that combining these powers in a single actor can lead to gross abuses. Indeed, the combination of law enforcement and adjudicative power in a single prosecutor is the most significant design flaw in the federal criminal system. Although scholars have made persuasive cases for greater external controls on prosecutors, these calls for reform are unrealistic in the current political climate. The solution must be sought elsewhere.

This Article looks within the prosecutor’s office itself to identify a viable corrective on prosecutorial overreaching. In particular, by heeding lessons of institutional design from administrative law, this Article considers how federal prosecutors’ offices could be designed to curb abuses of power through separation-of-functions requirements and greater attention to supervision. The problems posed by federal prosecutors’ combination of adjudicative and enforcement functions are the very same issues raised by the administrative state—and the solutions fit equally well in both settings. In both instances, individuals who make investigative and advocacy decisions should be separated from those who make adjudicative decisions, the latter of which should be defined to include some of the most important prosecutorial decisions today, including charging, the acceptance of pleas, and the decision whether or not to file substantial assistance motions. Using this model from administrative law would not only be effective, it would also be more politically viable than the leading alternative proposals for curbing prosecutorial discretion.

Administrative law values are not inevitably good, but they are often good.

Posted in Administrative Law, Law: Criminal Law | Comments Off on This Looks Good

The Miami Herald is Boring

There's been a lot of talk lately about whether the Miami Herald has a financial future. They keep firing folks and shrinking the paper. Not surprisingly, more and more people are not buying it any more, which means less money from a shrinking pool of advertisers which means…

What's most amazing about all this is that Herald keeps shooting itself in the foot by publishing a pretty boring newspaper. That's especially odd in this town, where there is so much scope for some good muckraking journalism, as demonstrated by feisty local blogs like Eye on Miami.

I've suggested before that the Herald could radically up its game by hiring some local bloggers, or licensing their content. But not only is the Herald not interested in that, it's erring in the other direction.

Consider EYE ON MIAMI: Miami Herald redacts Associated Press article highlighting our blog … by gimleteye:

On Sunday, the Herald reprinted the AP story on foreclosures in Homestead whose original version appeared in many newspapers around the nation and featured our blog. The lengthy national story by former Miami New Times and St. Pete Times journalist Tamara Lush featured the foreclosure crisis and included the view we expound here, on Eyeonmiami. The Herald version on the weekend, printed in the Neighbors section, redacted the AP segment of the story that featured Eyeonmiami and, specifically, my views of the crisis.

I suspect local pique: the unwillingness newspapers often have to acknowledge the work of competitors. The Herald will need to get over that, big time, if it wants to flourish.

Posted in The Media | 2 Comments